I.
On 26 August 1789 – just over a month after the storming of the
Bastille – the French National Assembly adopted the Declaration
of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. This Declaration has since become
a point of reference for many freedom movements as well as for those
who longed to see human rights prevail throughout the world. It became
a beacon of hope – far beyond the borders of France and Europe.
Soon, however, the very same National Assembly questioned whether these
rights should really apply to all people, even to the Black slaves and
so-called "mulattoes" in the French colonies oversees. In all
probability, the end of slavery would have meant the end of the plantations,
while impinging on economic interests – including those of members
of the National Assembly.
In the end, the Assembly shame-facedly allowed everything in the colonies
to remain as it was, effectively acting against the very declaration
of universal human rights it had just drafted.
Moral inconsistencies and double standards still burden us today. On
the one hand, there is the general moral conviction that all human beings
have the right to a decent life, freedom and self-determination. On the
other hand, we often allow ourselves to be obstructed by both political
and economic interests in our efforts to attain this ideal or at least
come closer to it.
We in the Western democracies, in particular, frequently lay ourselves
open to accusations of hypocrisy – and sometimes no doubt rightly
so. We may take pleasure in holding high the banner of freedom and democracy,
but, in reality, are often only acting with a view to defending our own
interests.
An entirely different accusation is often brought forward in other cultural
circles, where people sometimes say that the call to respect human rights
is, in this form, foreign to their culture, speaking of "cultural
imperialism" or even "human rights imperialism" in this
connection and referring to "Western values" with the intention
of questioning their universal validity.
For me, one thing is certain: no culture can justify arrogance or superiority.
Everyone must have respect for other cultures and the dignity of other
people in their diversity. Respecting other cultures, however, does not
mean condoning oppression, despotism and poverty.
Some even advise against interfering in the affairs of others anymore
at all. In their opinion, all countries and cultures must cope with the
challenges of poverty and injustice in their own way. They say that all
help – no matter how well-intentioned – usually only brings
greater chaos and even greater injustice and deepens divisions in the
world. In short, according to these voices, people should look out for
themselves.
This sort of attitude is, in my opinion, not only morally questionable,
but also politically fatal. In our interconnected world, we cannot simply
avoid one another, and we cannot close our eyes to the fate of others.
There is, I believe, a moral obligation to take care above all of those
who are worse off. This is a moral imperative that goes beyond what is
termed enlightened self-interest. It is of this moral impetus that I
would like to speak.
I would like to thank you, Professor Küng, and the Global Ethic
Foundation for giving me the opportunity to do so here today. Mr. Küng,
you have made many valuable contributions in the past decades to promoting
dialogue among religions and cultures. It has become painfully evident
to all of us today just how important this dialogue is for securing world
peace.
Nevertheless, I also believe that, especially with a view to this intercultural
dialogue, we must first understand our own foundations and roots. When
involved in a dialogue, we undoubtedly want to listen, but we also must
have something to say ourselves. In order to be able to do this, we must
know who we are and where we come from.
II.
Why should others concern us? This is a central ethical question. "Others"
means those who, at first glance, do not belong with us, who are not
part of our family or our circle of friends, with whom we have little
in common, and who are foreign to us.
What could move us to concern ourselves with strangers such as these?
How is it that we feel a moral impetus to help, even when it concerns
people that we do not know at all and of whose life we know nothing except
that they are in distress and require assistance?
Historically speaking, this is by no means self-evident. While even the
highly developed ancient cultures of Greece or the Roman Empire knew
what it meant to have sympathy for those to whom fate has been unkind,
they felt no obligation to ensure the welfare of the poor and the needy.
With the advent of Christianity in the antique world, the moral obligation
to help and care for others assumed an urgency that did not exist previously
anywhere else. The commandment to "love thy neighbour" was
associated directly with the relationship to God. Your "neighbour"
could potentially be any other person, in particular the most poverty-stricken.
As it says in the New Testament: "Inasmuch as you did it to one
of the least of these My brethren, you did it to Me."
In fact, what the first Christians did was to put into practice something
that certain antique philosophers had already called for. This is what
allowed Christianity to become such a powerful force in shaping society.
The daily practice of the first Christians to care for the sick and the
poor, the widows and orphans was the visible side of a new relationship
to other people who now mattered. It was here that a historically new
solidarity emerged which did not exclude strangers. This applied solidarity
and the spirit from which it stems have deeply shaped and civilized Europe
and contributed to its making.
Naturally, it took a long time for a civilizing and humanizing process
of this type to truly penetrate society all the way down to the individual
mentalities. Naturally, there has been what you might call a "clash
of civilizations" from time to time – for example, when the
Christian message of brotherly love, which also applies to strangers,
clashed with the Germanic culture of feuding and revenge.
This example just goes to show that not every aspect of a culture deserves
respect. Today, we take it for granted that the tradition of collective
punishment and blood feuds has disappeared from our culture – and
this is something we can be happy about. In the same way, girls and women
in Africa are bound to be equally happy when the cultural tradition of
female genital mutilation no longer finds respect and is finally done
away with.
The long process of civilization has not been without terrible relapses
into violence and barbarism, not least in the name of Christianity. But
the commandment to "love thy neighbour", which includes strangers
and is directed, in particular, toward those who are poorest
– this has not disappeared. It is and remains the conscience of
Europe.
If, today, we consider "failure to give assistance" as a punishable
crime, then this is yet another distant consequence of the parable of
the Good Samaritan. This applied brotherly love, which does not ask how
close the other person is to me, is one of Europe's core values, notwithstanding
all the crimes that have been committed against it.
It is no coincidence – and it is something that has left a deep
mark on our mentality – that since the days of our childhood we
have been familiar with such figures as Saint Martin, who shares his
coat with the beggar, or Saint Nicolas, who brings the poor what they
need. Our concern for the fate of strangers, the poor and the starving – this
is part of the European soul; this is European tradition.
Once again: all of this has not stopped Europe – and Germany in
particular
– from relapsing time and again into cruel barbarity and inhumanity
– and, in the Thirty Years' War, even for religious reasons. It
has not prevented us in Europe from waging war against other nations
and subjugating them. And in two world wars, Europe came terribly close
to extinguishing itself. Due to our history, we as Germans, in particular,
are responsible for ensuring that something like this never happens again.
Time and again, however, Europe brought forth individuals or groups of
people who condemned suppression, tyranny and war and offered resistance
to inhumanity. Again and again, they have stirred our conscience and
reminded us of our invaluable heritage from which European civilization
has grown. Whether Francis of Assisi from Umbria, Albert Schweitzer from
the Alsace region, Albanian – born Mother Teresa or Dietrich Bonhoeffer
from Breslau: time and again, Europe has reminded itself where its good
roots lie.
Will this ethical impetus remain alive? Will this continue to be something
we are able to contribute to the dialogue among civilizations? Will we
retain our credibility in the eyes of the world?
I sometimes have the impression that Europe has become tired – that
it is on its way to losing its identity and has forgotten about its own
roots. These roots include unquestionably the Enlightenment, human rights
and various emancipation movements – but also Christianity and
Christian ethics.
III.
More and more people are coming to us who have different roots and different
cultural origins. Living together is not easy and can lead to conflicts.
Considering the experiences we have had with cultural and confessional
conflicts in our history, we must be adamant about civilized standards
being adhered to among us, standards as set forth, for instance, in our
Basic Law. Without a common basis, coexistence is not possible. No group
of people may be excluded from society, but also no group of people may
exclude itself.
Tolerance is, for this reason, not to be confused with indifference and
also not with ignorance. Tolerance demands that I respect people who
are different from me, but it also demands that others respect my attitudes
and way of living. This is the only way that tolerance can prove itself
as a civilizing strength, and not as a weakness.
Our experience shows that deeply held values and beliefs can only be
acted upon without hurting others if people deal with one another in
a civilized way. This is one of Europe's most valuable and vital experiences.
IV.
In five days, I will be travelling to Africa for the first time as President.
What I said in my inaugural address, I will repeat here once more: In
my view, the humanity of our world can be measured against the fate of
Africa. And I stress once again that it is a question of Europe's self-respect,
especially with a view to our own principles and values, for us to play
an honest and generous role in Africa.
By travelling to Africa, I would like to increase awareness – especially
here in Germany – of the fact that Africa is something that concerns
us. What do we think of when we hear the word "Africa"? Isn't
it usually a continent beset by catastrophes? The continent of starvation,
of failing states and dysfunctional nations, of civil wars and child
soldiers, the continent that is dependent on development aid like a patient
on medicine, yet never seems to get better?
There is no question about it: great problems and deep distress exist
in Africa. But this is only part of the picture. I have also witnessed
– in the midst of all this misery and distress – happiness,
courage and pride that make certain attitudes in Europe seem shamefully
apprehensive. I have seen a host of projects and initiatives in which
Africans demonstrate unequalled creativity.
Most of all, I have been impressed by the many initiatives started by
women. Time and again, hopeful and promising things are accomplished
– both with and without the assistance of others. For example,
I will be visiting a women's cooperative in Ethiopia. There, women cured
of leprosy have, with a mere 3,000 euros, launched an agricultural project
that creates jobs and gives people hope.
It is time we finally realized that we live in one world, and not in
a first, second or third world! This is also in our own interest: for
we in the so-called "developed countries" will not be able
to maintain our prosperity, security or peace if we do not view ourselves
as partners of the poor. Africa, a continent that is often virtually
forgotten, must take its rightful place in this one world – as
a partner among partners.
V.
If we take someone seriously as a partner, it is someone who not only
takes, but also has something to give. When I think of Africa in this
connection, the first thing that comes to mind is not mineral resources
or agricultural products. I am thinking of Africa as the cradle of human
culture and history, as the continent where humans learned to walk erect.
I am thinking of the wonderful African music whose rhythm ultimately
forms the basis of all modern music, in particular jazz and rock music.
Today, African musicians such as Miriam Makeba or Youssou N'Dour have
become world-famous. I am thinking of African dance and its many forms
of expression and of the colours worn by the dancers.
I am thinking of old and new African art. The traditional art of Africa
was discovered by artists such as Braque and Picasso at the beginning
of the last century and has influenced European art in many ways.
I am also thinking of the wisdom and human greatness of figures such
as Bishop Tutu, Leopold Senghor, Wole Soyinka and Nelson Mandela. Indeed,
more than one demonstration took place here in Tübingen calling
for Mandela's release.
Finally, I am also thinking of the wonderful African landscape, the Mediterranean
coastal regions, the majestic Sahara, the snow on Kilimanjaro and the
savannas and mountains of South Africa. Africa's culture and landscape
have continued to fascinate Europe throughout history – from Hemingway
to Tanja Blixen: "I once had a farm in Africa ...".
Awareness of the responsibility that we as Germans and Europeans have
can also grow from fascination. Africa has been abused and exploited.
Its people have been sold as slaves. Colonialism has left terrible scars.
Proxy wars in the East-West conflict have contributed to further devastating
societies and nations. Africa is suffering in many ways
– independence alone has not alleviated this suffering and, indeed,
has often increased it.
VI.
I frequently encounter deep pessimism. People ask directly or indirectly
whether it makes any sense at all to commit oneself to helping Africa.
My answer to this question is a resounding "yes", and I am
convinced that, together, we can make a difference.
One thing must be clear to all of us: if Africa is to have a future,
it will require assistance. Internationally, some things have actually
been accomplished: all heads of state and government of the United Nations
have reached an agreement on the Millennium Development Goals, whose
main intention is to cut extreme poverty in half by 2015 and provide
all children in the world with the chance of receiving an adequate education.
These are good and important goals.
And there is broad international agreement on how these goals can be
reached: the responsibility of the developing countries is required,
but also the broad, swift and continual assistance of the developed nations.
When I spoke with Kofi Annan about my upcoming trip, he reaffirmed that
we know what needs to be done. Success in the fight against poverty can
be seen, especially in Asia. In Africa as well, life expectancy, for
example, has increased, more people have access to clean water and more
children are attending school.
But one thing is also true: many African countries are simply not making
much headway in overcoming poverty – the central and most crucial
task of all. This, when Africa has raw materials and mineral resources
in abundance. The problem here is that too little of this wealth benefits
the people and too little is being invested in the development of the
countries. Too often, bloody civil wars are still being fought over diamonds,
oil and other raw materials, conflicts that are frequently fuelled by
foreign profiteers. In situations like this, Africa's abundance of raw
materials often becomes a curse.
This situation has to change. And there are ways to do it: for example,
43 nations have already joined forces in what is known as the Kimberley
Initiative, which uses a certification system to stop illegal trading
in diamonds.
Another example: billions of dollars earned in oil production end up
in foreign accounts. Here, I have great hopes for the "publish what
you pay" initiative which aims to make earnings from oil production
more transparent. This originally private initiative is supported by
the World Bank and other international partners. I hope that many countries
will join it.
VII.
In many African countries, the government is too weak. The French declaration
of human rights that I mentioned at the beginning is a declaration of
the rights of human beings and of citizens: de l'homme et du citoyen.
That makes all the difference. People can invoke their rights in court
only where they are actually citizens. A company or a warlord cannot
ensure people their human rights; only a strong and functional state
under the rule of law can do this.
Africa has become aware of this fact, too. In NEPAD, the New Partnership
for Africa's Development, a joint development concept drafted by Africans
themselves, Africans have declared their commitment to the central task
of assuring good governance. And now more than 20 African nations have
agreed to participate in a process referred to as the "African Peer
Review Process". They are willing to allow their policies to be
examined critically by each other. This is an important step towards
recognizing their own problems in time as well as learning from other
African success stories.
In fact, democratic processes have been initiated in most African nations.
The international community must now focus on providing assistance to
build effective government institutions. Competent administrations, trained
security forces and independent courts are required to impose justice
and order. Only governments that are functioning to some degree are able
to combat corruption, crime and AIDS – the three great maladies
of Africa.
When I ponder Africa's perspectives, I am hopeful, because here a new
generation of responsible reformers has risen. It was only last month,
for example, that I met Gyode Bryant, interim president of Liberia. In
a country ravaged by civil war, he is fighting for the restoration of
order and the reconstruction of the nation. For his part, he is calling
upon wealthy countries to show political courage, asking them not to
wait until Liberia has attained the level of order of a country like,
say, Switzerland before supporting his efforts.
Just how effective political commitment and courage can be is shown by
developments in Sierra Leone, one of the poorest countries in the world
and the country to which I will be travelling first on my tour of Africa.
After a civil war lasting ten years, a peace process was initiated there
after the military operation carried out by Great Britain and the United
Nations had cleared the way. First, fighters were made to surrender their
weapons. Now, the goal is to ensure that as many children as possible
are able to return to school or learn a trade. During my stay, we will
visit a centre where former child soldiers are trained in a trade or
profession, allowing them to return to a more or less normal life.
I am also interested in seeing how the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
set up in Sierra Leone operates. It is in Africa, in particular, that
we repeatedly encounter an aspect of the local attitude and society that
other cultures have a rather difficult time dealing with – the
art of forgiving.
The example of Sierra Leone is proof that you must give up or write off
a country as lost. We should simply take our bearings from Winston Churchill's
three central pieces of advice: never, never, never give up!
VIII.
A fact I also find encouraging is the emergence of civil societies in
African nations. People are not content just to live with things as they
are. Farmers pool their resources to buy seed or build a well. Citizens'
groups uncover corruption and keep an eye on the government's actions.
Women take the initiative to build schools and AIDS stations, or they
bring attention to the importance of microcredits, in particular for
combating poverty in rural areas.
It is a good thing that major international organizations such as the
United Nations, the World Bank and IMF have now made participation of
civil society groups an important part of their work – no initiative
and no programme without an input from civil society. Involving as many
people as possible in what is happening in their country – this
will increase stability and freedom in African societies.
IX.
When a country is engulfed in unrest and armed conflict, however, even
the best commitment is in danger of being crushed in its initial stages.
The events in Ivory Coast and Darfur show us just how quickly development
can be destroyed and hopes clashed by power struggles, violence and African
forms of racism.
For this reason, I welcome the fact that the African Union has abandoned
the principle of non-interference for its continent in cases concerning
war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Within the United Nations,
efforts must now be made to accelerate the discussion of when courageous
intervention from outside is politically necessary and legitimate, and
when it is not. In the Founding Act of the African Union, the question
of whether humanitarian intervention is permitted was answered with a
decisive "yes". In doing so, the African Union has given important
impetus to the international legal discussion about the legitimacy of
humanitarian intervention.
And I warmly welcome the fact that the European Union has now also begun
to consider this issue in concrete terms, that is, with regard to the
financial and military consequences.
X.
Trade is the best way to help people help themselves, and, for this reason,
ensuring fair trading conditions remains the most important contribution
the international community can make to combating poverty in Africa.
The Doha round of the World Trade Organization has set itself the goal
of becoming a true development round – now, it must live up to
that ambitious goal. This includes, among other things, a major reduction
of trade-distorting subsidies. Why? Here is just one example: during
my tour of Africa, I will visit Benin, where cotton makes up 70% of all
exports. Benin has no money to subsidize its cotton. Because of this,
the high subsidies paid to cotton producers in industrial countries massively
undermine the possibilities for development in this small country.
To reach the Millennium Development Goals, however, more financial support
is needed. For this reason, I repeat my appeal to the industrial countries – to
Germany as well – to allocate 0.7 percent of their gross national
product to development aid. This is something to which they had already
committed themselves 30 years ago. Almost US$ 100 billion per year is
needed to bridge the gap between what has been promised and the reality
of the situation worldwide. This money is necessary to implement the
Millennium Development Goals.
Since the Monterrey development conference in Mexico, there have been
some positive developments in this area. Nevertheless, more must be done
to move closer step-by-step towards this goal each year. As far as Germany
is concerned, we must not put the entire burden exclusively on the Minister
of Finance. This is a question that concerns each and every one of us.
XI.
Commitment to Africa is not only a matter for world leaders. Humanitarian
commitment to Africa has a long tradition in Germany – a tradition
that is represented not only by the name of Albert Schweitzer. Tens of
thousands of development helpers have done their best under difficult
conditions to relieve people's poverty and misery. Many teachers, doctors
and church men from civil society have done a great deal of good.
In Germany today, numerous initiatives and organizations keep the awareness
alive that Africa concerns us – and they are moving things: they
build sympathetic attitudes and raise funds, and they support concrete
projects. They sell products obtained in fair trade with developing countries.
Thirty years ago, I myself founded a third-world store, as it was called
back then, together with my wife in Herrenberg. This afternoon, we will
be going there to meet with both old and new friends who are dedicated
to the cause. Today, I would like to express my recognition for the civil
commitment of groups and initiatives like these, whose work gives hope
to many people in Africa and here at home.
XII.
Does my speech here today have anything to do with global ethics? I wanted
to ask both you and myself a very simple question: why should others
concern us? And I wanted to ask this question specifically with a view
to Africa, a continent that many have forgotten or simply written off.
I have spoken much about politics, but at the end of the day, it is the
attitude of every one of us that matters. No policy and no government
institution will ever be able to replace the spontaneous willingness
to help. "But a certain Samaritan, as he journeyed, came where he
was. And when he saw him, he had compassion. So he went to him and bandaged
his wounds, pouring on oil and wine; and he set him on his own animal,
brought him to an inn, and took care of him."
In the townships of Soweto in the seventies, the song of the South African
freedom and anti-apartheid movement was born. It is now the South African
national anthem. It begins with the following words, with which I would
like to conclude: "Nkosi sikilele i Afrika": "God bless
Africa".
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